Sunday, August 4, 2013

"The Man Who Wouldn't be King" - INDIA CURRENTS (California - August 2013)



It was May 1992. Los Angeles was still on fire. Although the tumultuous scene was on our television set in India, it could not have felt any closer to home. The newscaster offered a recap of the story that my family had been following intently since April. Tensions had flared in the aftermath of the verdict in the Rodney King beating trial. Despite videotaped evidence, the jury had exonerated the policemen responsible for violently assaulting the black motorist. The acquitted policemen, as well as the jury, had been all white. In a year, we would be emigrating to the United States. Los Angeles was our destination. And, like King, my first name is Rodney.

King was so much a part of my consciousness that I would often introduce myself as “Rodney… You know… like King? Rodney King?” I often needed the added qualification because, as I was told on more than one occasion, it was odd that someone of my racial background would have “a name like that.” As a teenager, newly immigrated to the States, my job at a fast food restaurant was my firsthand introduction to my new city’s racialization. In many ways, my workplace was a representative microcosm of Los Angeles – they were both equally diverse. Yet, what was plain to see was that while the staff at the restaurant were generally first generation immigrants, it was largely upper management and the clientele that were white.

During the unrest, when King famously made his televised plea for the people of his city to “get along,” his statement became the stuff of legendary ridicule. Was it that the notion of co-existing amicably was so simplistic, or that the sentiment had come from an ordinary black man with a rap sheet who had been beaten by the police? What the incident had done was to raise questions about police brutality and whose rights the keepers of the peace were protecting. For South Asians, among members of other ethnic communities, similar issues of racial profiling and civil rights violations rose to a crescendo in the aftermath of the 9/11 terror attacks. Racial injustice may not be unique to any one minority group, but it is this very ubiquity of violence that should make us more mindful. Events in the current moment prove the need for us to voice our outrage, especially when it comes to those as defenseless as an ordinary, unarmed, young black boy whose life and rights seem to not matter at all.

Itself a legacy of the civil rights era, the Hart-Celler Act of 1965 aimed to disprivilege national origin in changing how immigrants would be allowed entry to the United States. Even in so doing, the express purpose of this change was to draw in highly skilled immigrant labor. The contemporary visibility of an upwardly mobile South Asian, and more specifically Indian, presence in America can be attributed to the 1965 measure. While 9/11 proved that class privilege was no deterrent to racial victimization, clearly, not all South Asians who immigrate to America do so from the technocratic ranks. Provisions made through family reunification clauses have diversified the community’s class demographics. In my family’s case, our petition for immigrant entry was made on the basis of my mother’s East African roots. As Goans of Kenyan heritage, despite the lack of quotas, it is evident that our case was helped because we were not only South Asian but also African – we ticked the diversity boxes for two developing regions. 

It is within these slippages of race and nationality that my personal experiences of being a dark-skinned resident of the United States have taken shape. The arrest occurred in January 2009. It had been a few short months after I had become an American citizen; short months after I participated in an election that brought to office America’s first black president – a man who, like me, had an East African history. Just off the bus from work, I was on foot, a few blocks away from my apartment in West Hollywood when a siren blared behind me. In broad daylight, I was handcuffed in my own neighborhood and shoved into the back seat of a deputy sheriff’s car. Citing a violation of the fourth amendment – which protects people from search and seizure without justifiable cause – I took my case to the ACLU, stating that I had been a victim of racial profiling. “What makes you think this
was about race?” the lawyer had asked. “What would make me think it wasn’t?” I wanted to say, but was stopped from doing so because the case just was not high profile enough for the organization. Technically, I had not been arrested because I had not been brought to the station; never mind that one never forgets what a pair of cuffs feels like.


“Rodney, huh?” The officer was looking at my California ID while the cold steel continued to bite into my wrists. Upon finding my UCLA identity card, establishing that I was an instructor there, the officer’s tone changed dramatically. “The reason I stopped you,” he said while uncuffing me, “is because you resemble a man who committed a burglary in this area earlier today.” Leaving aside the ludicrousness of why someone would be traipsing about on a brightly lit sunny day just after they had perpetrated a crime, I got straight to the point and said, “You stopped me because you made an assumption about my race.” Inadvertently confirming my suspicion, the officer responded, “It doesn’t matter if you’re a black. All that matters is that you matched the description I have.”

Was it because “a black” was in the wrong neighborhood? The irony should be apparent that in an area thought of as being liberal because of a large gay and lesbian presence, my complaint to the West Hollywood Sheriff’s Department was met with the party line that, after an internal investigation, it was ascertained the officer had acted in accordance with policies and no evidence of racial profiling could be found. I am sure it was also not racial profiling when a San Mateo policeman stopped me for questioning in September 2011 claiming that I resembled a criminal. “I’ll show you what I mean,” the officer said, producing an image. “You have the same eyebrows,” he explained helpfully. It was probably also not racial profiling when I was questioned extensively at airport immigration in September 2001. 

In spite of my name, my dark skin, and my African history, unlike Rodney King, I have the “privilege” of proving that I am not African American. “Long after your case is closed, you are going to have to be Rodney

King for the rest of your life. Do you think you can handle that?” attorney Steven Lerman had asked his client, the Los Angeles Times reported in a story following King’s death last year. “Steve, I just don’t know,” King replied. The same article quotes an earlier interview in which King had mused, “People look at me like I should have been like Malcolm X or Martin Luther King or Rosa Parks. I should have seen life like that and stay out of trouble … But it's hard to live up to some people's expectations, which [I] wasn't cut out to be.” King was an ordinary man upon whom national attention had been thrust without him having asked for it. As I mourn the miscarriage of justice in the Trayvon Martin case, I am reminded of an ordinary King. These are the legacies that remind us that injustice is all the greater because of its ordinariness, and all the more ordinary when one is black. 

The print version of this India Currents article appears online here, and also on The Aerogram. My thanks to the San Francisco Peninsula Press Club for recognizing this piece with an award for analysis at the 37th Annual Greater Bay Area Journalism Awards on May 31, 2014.

Saturday, August 3, 2013

"Pramod Kale and Sharon da Cruz: In Memoriam" - THE GOAN: I'm Not Here (3 August 2013)



On June 23, 2013, Dr. Pramod Kale passed away. About a month later, on July 25, so did Dr. Sharon da Cruz. I did not know Professor Kale personally, but Sharon was a classmate of mine at St. Xavier’s College, Mapusa. The news was shocking. In their passing, not only have Dr. Kale and Sharon’s families lost their loved ones, but our community has lost two academics who researched different aspects of Goan culture and history. While having had many publications to his credit, Dr. Kale is perhaps best known for his article “Essentialist and Epochalist Elements in Goan Popular Culture: A Case Study of Tiatr” which appeared in an issue of Economic & Political Weekly in 1986. The weekly also carried Sharon’s “The Partido Indiano and the September Revolt of 1890 in Goa,” which she co-authored with Dr. Max de Loyola Furtado in 2011. In addition, Sharon had her hand in other publications, and was well known as an instructor at Cuncolim College. 

Dr. Kale’s article on tiatr may be considered an important intellectual intervention for having given an often derided art form its critical due. Aware of the negative social attitudes towards the theatrical genre, Dr. Kale highlighted the exact reasons for such dismissiveness by saying of tiatr that “[i]t is a form ... rooted in the working class and lower middle class Goan Catholic population living in Goa or outside expressing their trials and tribulations, hopes and aspirations.” He saw in its audiences that they gathered to witness the metatheatrical, evidence of one of the major political dramas of Goa in the 1980s – the language issue. In regard to this, Dr. Kale notes in his essay that for those audiences of tiatr, “Konkani [was] not merely a language, a medium of communication, but a cause...” In so saying, the researcher acknowledged the socio-cultural significance of this traditional style of Goan theatre, its class and caste affiliations, and its ability to rally a community concerned with the socio-political theatrics beyond the stage. 

In her role as a historian, Sharon’s interest in the Goan past ranged from her doctoral research on the Franciscans to the Opinion Poll, on which she co-wrote a book, and the aforementioned September Revolt of 1890, among other topics. Of the politics of 1890, Sharon’s article astutely points out that while the revolt had an “elitist ... nature, it [also] had a mass popular base ... from [within] the Mundkar community.” Thus, she underscores not just the alliances formed in challenges to colonial power, but also “contesting versions” of historical events which, when taken into account in their multiplicity, may “[enable] us to view the historical process holistically by visibilising the other...”

As we mourn, it is necessary to consider not only the legacy that researchers like Dr. Kale and Sharon leave behind, but also how their work could have been studied while these scholars were still with us. It is generally only at the postgraduate level that students in Goa are supported in their choice to take up the study of the region and read the writing of researchers like the ones memorialised here. Yet, how much more might we have benefitted from a curriculum of Goan Studies that
pervades our educational system at all levels while encouraging established scholars of Goa to be an interactive part of the process? One imagines that it would have allowed students to interact personally or virtually with thinkers like Dr. Kale and Sharon whose dedication to studying Goa is inspiring. Even though they are no longer with us, their scholarship lives on and what we can do to sustain and build upon it remains to be seen.

To see the print version of this article, visit here. My thanks to Dale Menezes for providing the EPW essays quoted herewith.

Sunday, July 7, 2013

"A Suitcase Full of Continents: Vamona Navelcar as Performance Artist" - MUSE INDIA (July - August 2013)



There is a palpable sense of something ominous to come as the artist packs up everything of significance “with the help of Sheriff,” his man-servant (Ketteringham 2013: 164). In this striking moment in the biography Vamona Navelcar: An Artist of Three Continents, Anne Ketteringham chronicles that her subject “collected all his belongings including nine hundred and fifty drawings and sketches, sixty oil paintings, prizes that he had won as well as diplomas and placed them in a suitcase ready to leave Mozambique” (ibid). The stage is set for another exit – a recurrent theme in Vamona Ananta Sinai Navelcar’s life. “He no longer wished to stay in Mozambique after the torment [and] indignity of imprisonment...” (ibid). The route from Maputo was circuitous, and included Beira, Dar-es-Salaam, and Nairobi (Ketteringham 2013: 165) – a veritable cartography of empire past. Finally, after Frankfurt and Barcelona, Navelcar “arrived in Lisbon in early February 1976” (ibid). The convoluted itinerary had been the result of political instability in the aftermath of Mozambique’s independence, which had made “more direct routes” unavailable (ibid). Disembarking in the cold, Navelcar was to find that even Portugal, like its former African dominion, was in distress; “political and social upheaval had great consequences for the general public, ... the country ... as well as Vamona himself,” Ketteringham observes (ibid). And then, against this backdrop of postcolonial anguish, it happens. A prop goes missing and the artist is left near-naked on stage. The suitcase, the one full of his life’s work, is lost.

The loss of the suitcase, I would like to suggest, is Navelcar’s most poignant work of art. Ketteringham’s comprehensive biography uncovers not only an artist’s life, but one replete with performative imagery that does not occur on Navelcar’s canvas alone. An artist of diverse skills, one whose oeuvre encompasses painting, line drawing, sketching, and more, Navelcar’s work has been internationally exhibited and collected but, peculiarly, little known in India itself. Heretofore, he has never been thought of as a performance artist, either. Navelcar’s is not a routine that harbours guile: “Vamona was distraught ... This tragedy hit [him] hard...,” Ketteringham records (171-172). The suitcase was never recovered despite repeated trips to the airport to enquire about it, and “after one week [Navelcar] gave up” (Ketteringham 2013: 171). At the risk of belittling this event, one completely lacking in contrivance, what I mean to argue by recasting the loss of the suitcase as an artistic act, is that Navelcar’s very life, in its historical and geographical entanglements, cannot be separated from the artistic labour it has inspired. All of it constitutes Navelcar’s artistry. Therefore, this “act” of losing the entirety of one’s artistic corpus during the ostensibly mundane affair of travelling, in being both performative and a lived experience, at once re-enacts and bears witness to the seemingly grandiose postcolonial themes of displacement, loss, and exile in their inescapably quotidian nature. What the “performance” of loss reveals to be most ironic in this juxtaposition of the tragic and the farcical, the extraordinary and the mundane, is the inability to tell the difference.

The suitcase, meant to function like a frame that would hold “all his work..., but more importantly all his
prizes and certificates as well” (Ketteringham 2013: 171-172), becomes the canvas, instead. Its contents were an archive of Navelcar’s personal and artistic history, the legacy of someone who had lived in the continents of Asia, Europe, and Africa. Lost somewhere between, the artist’s luggage becomes inseparable from the landscapes and milieux that conjured them – one unintelligible from the other. By being absorbed back into the geography that spawned them, Navelcar’s art in these manifold and fused canvasses of performance, suitcase, pictures, continents, and even transit, participates in what João Sarmento defines in Fortifications, Post-colonialism and Power  as “wider transnational spatial processes” (2011: 2). Navelcar’s artistry and life are then to be viewed as being shaped by influences unattributable to single locations, while he also performatively acts as a conduit between those settings. In its loss, the suitcase signifies a spatiotemporally transgressive canvas: larger than one life and/or one location.

Deriving his notion of the mutability in spatiality from cultural geography, Sarmento sees “the material, symbolic and functional coexist[ing], creating mixed, hybrid and fluid atmospheres” (2011: 1). As useful as Sarmento’s articulation of the need “to understand how heritage” should not be “seen ... as a single story, but as plural versions” (ibid) is, I do not want to propose that Navelcar’s performance simply participates in a utopic multiculturalism that harmoniously blends together the different cultural influences he has been exposed to and has participated in. Rather, Navelcar’s life in Goa, Portugal, and Mozambique, in all its exigencies, is evidenced in his art as an interstitial practice - the kind of association Homi Bhabha denotes in The Location of Culture as “the relation of cultures ... [or] part of a complex process of ‘minoritarian’ modernity, not simply a polarity of majority and minority, the center and the periphery” (2004: xx).

As an example of such complexity, take Ketteringham’s wonderment at a piece 

done  in 1980 whilst Vamona was still in Portugal, not long before he decided to return to Goa. The painting titled ‘African Figure’ is a portrait of a person with African features, a brown neck, but with a white face. Why is this I ask myself! My interpretation is that the troubles Africa had were brought back to Portugal, in [Navelcar’s] own mind at least. Vamona was teaching and had a very good standard of living compared to local people in Mozambique. He had a good social status as a professor ..., a servant, ... a lovely house ... and all the social trimmings that went with his position. Suddenly, he is back in Portugal with nothing, ... with no job or social standing ... Communism was never far away, threatening to bring society down to the lowest common denominator... (2013: 179)

What Ketteringham makes apparent here are overlapping strands that are simultaneously cultural, personal, and political. The concerns acknowledged are middling, even – “not simply ... the center and the periphery.” They are replete with the commonplaceness of middle class life, but still evocative of a panoply of elements beyond the daily grind, that encompass political economies and postcolonial volatility. 

"African Figure" (1980) by Vamona Navelcar. Image courtesy of Anne Ketteringham.


Nonetheless, Ketteringham’s observation of why Navelcar would paint his “African Figure” with black features, a brown neck, and a white face, cannot only assume the personal in Navelcar’s experience in Africa. What he, the brown artist, had ferried over in his transit to Portugal was more than just a personal matter. The “racial” palette Navelcar employs in “African Figure” speaks to the plurality of Portuguese post/coloniality, not solely in eliciting multiculturalism, but also in attesting to Sarmento’s conception of transnational processes that cannot be relegated to any one geographic domain. It was Portugal’s involvement in East Africa that had instigated the anti-colonial struggle there, one that Navelcar contributed to through his art which was sometimes used in political posters (Ketteringham 2013: 106).

This was, indeed, the reason why Navelcar felt so betrayed when he was imprisoned, along with his students, by the newly independent state whose fight for freedom he had supported. The capriciousness of the fledgling postcolonial government, eager to make its power felt, is pertinently captured in the Mozambican film Virgem Margarida (Azevedo 2012). Set in 1975, it fictionalizes actual proceedings that saw the rounding up of prostitutes for “re-education” in camps in remotes parts of the country, not unlike the one that Navelcar was sent to in Imala. The imprisoning of students, artists, prostitutes, and others deemed morally questionable and, somehow, enemies of the state, confirms Achille Mbembe’s insight in his book On the Postcolony that “all through the history of modern societies, ... the monopoly of legitimate violence was one key to state-building” (2001: 89).

Of course, what Mbembe points to here is the ludicrousness of the so-called legitimacy of violence. In naming violence as a hallmark of the modern practice of state-building, Mbembe also equates former colonies and colonizers, both of which grapple with the condition of post-imperial governmentality. Like the Mozambican freedom struggle and its postcolonially repressive governance, the political disenfranchisement in metropolitan Portugal itself had transpired in the umbra of the colonial era Estado Novo. That regime came to an end with the Carnation Revolution of 1974. The lost suitcase is again an apt metaphor here. In its misplacement, Navelcar performs an itinerary between political causes and influences that have many origins and transits, but no discernible destination.

Navelcar’s chagrin at arriving in a post-Estado Novo Lisbon, a city he had known as a student in the 1950s and 60s, is educed by Ketteringham as the artist’s apprehension that “Communism was never far away...” What this marks, despite the fate he had befallen, is Navelcar’s privilege. Born in Goa to a Hindu Brahmin family that “considered arts and artists to be beneath their status” (Ketteringham 2013: 18), Navelcar’s opportunity to pursue his talents came directly from the Estado Novo itself. The then Governor General of Goa, Paulo Bénard Guedes, commissioned a portrait of the prime minister of Portugal from Navelcar and, without the knowledge of the artist, sent it to Dr. António de Oliveira Salazar (Ketteringham 2013: 29). Thereupon, Guedes triumphantly informed Navelcar that “[a] scholarship sanctioned by ... Dr. Salazar has been granted to you” (ibid). Because the conferral of the scholarship occurred in the period following the end of the British Empire in India, it would not be amiss to think of the Portuguese dictator’s largesse as being propagandist in character. Later on, other political events that took place in Portugal, with the impending liberation of Goa in the backdrop, and the need for employment, caused Navelcar to seek work in Luso-Africa. Until his internment at the Imala rehabilitation camp, Navelcar had a comfortable domestic situation, as Ketteringham comments, even though he was stationed in far-off Nampula as an instructor at a school that proved to be a racially charged workplace because of its white Portuguese director (Ketteringham 2013: 86-87).

Navelcar’s migrations, not dissimilar to that of his suitcase on his return journey, demarcate a Luso-specific trend. While some research has been done on the roots of Goan migration within the period of “Portuguese
colonialism, [when] the agrarian economy was severely disrupted,” causing “job security [to be] threatened” (Mascarenhas-Keyes 2011: 142), it has primarily centered on the emigration of Catholic Goans. In Colonialism, Migration and the International Catholic Goan Community, Mascarenhas-Keyes discerns that though “some new lucrative occupations arose” as Goa’s economy changed from being one based primarily on agriculture, access to other kinds of employment were restricted by one’s caste background (ibid). She concludes that the declining number of opportunities meant that several had “to look beyond Goa for employment...,” which “was facilitated in the 19th century, and thereafter, by the emergence of a large number of jobs, fostered particularly by the development of British colonialism...” in the subcontinent and the larger imperial network (ibid). Clearly, the ill-fated Lusotopic journey of Navelcar’s suitcase recommends other avenues of migration research that break away from the Anglo-centrism of postcolonial studies, while still bearing caste and religious affiliations in mind.

By allowing the loss of his suitcase to take centre stage, what I have sought to do is render Navelcar as a different kind of artist than he is generally thought of. Ketteringham’s book raises the curtain on a life in many acts and on diverse stages, but with transitions of the personal, political, and the post/colonial to connect them. Navelcar executes that most memorable performance of the loss of his suitcase to cross in and out of the imbricated stories of nations, peoples, and himself, juggling absurdity and purposefulness as the twinned but often indiscernible facets of postcolonial societies in flux.

Addressing the role of the story-teller in “colonised societies” (1996: 126), Helen Gilbert and Joanne Tompkins write in Post-colonial Drama that these players are “[a]ware of the audience and of [their] own position as entertainer[s], [and so] the story-teller revises history in/through every performance by making the past ‘speak’ to the present” (1996: 127). If the loss of the suitcase was Navelcar’s allegorical commentary on the lack of self-possession in the postcolonial nations of Mozambique and Portugal, then his viewpoint is revised for the contemporary moment when he communicates from the vantage of his past perspective to the Goa he presently resides in. In a recent painting titled “Cry my Beloved Goa,” Navelcar depicts his homeland as “the sacred Cow ... being eaten alive and tormented by 40 crows” who represent Members of the Legislative Assembly – Goa’s government (Ketteringham 2013: 228). No stranger to the theatrics of states, and so frequently finding himself at what appeared to be the final curtain, Navelcar’s continued artistry even now that he is in his eighties, proves that encores are always in the making and that some baggage will always be in the process of being unpacked.

"Cry my Beloved Goa" (2011) by Vamona Navelcar. Image courtesy of Anne Ketteringham.
 

Bibliography
Azevedo, Licinio. 2012, Virgem Margarida, Lisbon, Marfilmes.
Gilbert, Helen, and Joanne Tompkins. 1996, Post-colonial Drama: Theory, Practice, Politics, London, Routledge.
Bhabha, Homi K. 2004. The Location of Culture, London, Routledge Classics.
Ketteringham, Anne. 2013, Vamona Navelcar: An Artist of Three Continents, Pune, Reality PLC and Village Sanctuary Arts.
Mascarenhas-Keyes, Stella. 2011, Colonialism, Migration and the International Catholic Goan Community, Saligao, Goa 1556.
Mbembe, Achille. 2001, On the Postcolony, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Sarmento, João. 2011, Fortifications, Post-colonialism and Power: Ruins and Imperial Legacies, Surrey, Ashgate, 2011.

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This article appears online in the July - August 2013 issue of Muse India dedicated to Goan literature. For more on the artist, visit the Facebook page dedicated to Vamona Ananta Sinai Navelcar.