Tuesday, November 19, 2024

"Stories versus State: A Reflection on Alia Yunis’ The Night Counter" in RAWI (19 November 2024)

 As The Night Counter nears its end, an unexpected death occurs. The elderly character in question was
taking a bus ride in Detroit when he breathed his last. This person would go routinely to the airport to see passengers arrive on the flight from Lebanon, his homeland. As I read about the character’s death, I was on a bus myself. I put the book down in my lap and realized that I had been crying. The person, an immigrant, had died alone while trying to catch a glimpse of new arrivals from the old country. I thought of my own father.

Like Fatima Abdullah, the tale’s octogenarian protagonist, I was in Los Angeles as I finished reading the book. Fatima decamps to the west coast from Michigan after divorcing her second husband, Ibrahim. She hopes this act will spare him from having to live out their last years together in what she believes to be a marriage he agreed to only out of a sense of obligation upon the death of Marwan, her first husband and Ibrahim’s friend. Fatima takes up residence in the home of her grandson Amir, whose queerness she initially refuses to acknowledge, leading to many comedic moments. Like Fatima, in a place famed for its car culture, I took the bus everywhere in the City of Angels and happened to be on one of the routes the book mentions as I read about the death of the old Lebanese character. The bus route referenced passes a 7-Eleven on Wilshire Boulevard, a place my dad once worked at. As a young man, he too had lived in Lebanon. That was in 1969, before the political instability, before the refugee crisis, before a long list of events…

Reading Alia Yunis’ The Night Counter in 2009, the year of its publication, little did I know that the book would become one I would use in my classes so consistently. The text has been a staple on the syllabus of my course titled Outside In: Transnational Asian American Literature. The premise of the course is this: moving away from the idea of Asian Americans as those solely of immigrant heritage, the class asks students to think about what it might mean to consider such literary subjects as being the product of displacement within and beyond the United States. Concurrently, the course also asks students to dwell upon the involvement of America beyond its own borders.

The class requires that every text we read involves the crossing of a nation-state’s boundary, often of a character who is identifiably Asian or Asian American. Thus, when not viewed as being only immigrant (or descended from immigrants), how might we see the construction of Arab and other Asian (American) characters as also being influenced by transnational histories and events? In other words, what happens when one looks beyond the purview of a single nation or the state to understand identity?


Certainly, the most transnational figure in The Night Counter is Scheherazade. Yes, that Scheherazade of the One Thousand and One Nights fame. But where she is the teller of stories in the original text, here, in her appearance in this non-Arab setting, she is the receiver of tales about Fatima’s family. The exchanges between the two women are the framing device for the novel, within which is ensconced several other stories. In this way, Yunis’ novel not only makes One Thousand and One Nights an intertext, but also echoes the earlier book’s form of intertwined stories in this 21st century version. In so doing, The Night Counter brings the Asian literary form of a framing narrative with other stories within it to an American setting. Before Disney and before orientalist adaptations of Scheherazade’s tales, the legends themselves originated transnationally in many lands, including Iran and the Arab world, as well as South and East Asia.  

An early-twentieth-century immigrant to the United States along with Marwan, Fatima’s time in the new country parallels the durée of her fellow-Lebanese and other Arab communities in America, an immigrant history that is longer than a hundred years. In her mid-80s at the time at which she tells her stories to Scheherazade, Fatima recounts for this legendary figure how she, Marwan, and Ibrahim endeavored to acculturate in an unfamiliar land with an unfamiliar language. After all, Fatima had only known a rural life in a small Lebanese village prior to America. Entwined in her stories are legacies of labor struggles, racism and Islamophobia, and intergenerational conflict.

The stories Fatima relays to Scheherazade include accounts of how Marwan and Ibrahim both worked in
the burgeoning industries that marked the rise of capitalism in America, chief among them the manufacture of cars in Detroit, that hub of Arab American life and heritage. Fatima recounts the injuries immigrant men faced in unregulated factories, leading to the struggle for unionization and labor rights-protections that Marwan and Ibrahim find themselves involved with, too.

Because of the many children Fatima had between her two marriages, the novel is a multigenerational family saga, one that is replete with the expected conflict between immigrant parents and their American-born progeny. However, Yunis weaves into these parent-child tussles a bit of the history of the settings in which these events unfold. One such poignant moment ensues during a family road trip which Ibrahim only agrees to after being nagged by his most malcontent child, Randa, who wants the Abdullahs to do things like other Americans.

Stopping at a restaurant in Georgia on their trip, the Abdullahs are faced with the choice of entering one of two bathrooms – one for whites and the other for “coloreds.” At the restaurant, a white man unable to identify Randa ethnically calls her the prettiest mulatto he has ever seen. The cringe-worthy moment makes Ibrahim vow that the family will never vacation again.

As with the previously mentioned history of labor rights-organizing that impinges upon the lives of the first generation in the novel, the history of segregation and anti-Black racism reveals itself in the existence of the second-generation characters. Subtly, the novel portrays the history of the Abdullahs – internal conflicts and all – as one that cannot be separated from American histories of marginalization, institutionalized as they are by society, capitalism, and the state. Nevertheless, the most overt encounter the family have with such state power is in the discovery that they are being racially and religiously profiled in the contemporary moment of the novel’s setting, a subject I will return to soon.


Although Lebanon seems to recede into the backdrop of the family’s history in the novel as the Abdullah’s children and then their children’s children are born in America, readers are constantly reminded of the home country. Apart from the old character who dies on the bus en route to see the planes arrive from Lebanon, it is Fatima herself who is always thinking of Lebanon. Because of Scheherazade’s visitations, Fatima believes she only has 1001 nights remaining on Earth and thus becomes obsessed with figuring out to which of her descendants she will bequeath her village house upon her death.

While Fatima never returns to the homeland, the most unlikely of characters does. It is Fatima’s white-passing granddaughter Dina Bitar, the Texas-born, part-Palestinian child of Randa’s (who belatedly goes by “Randy” to also appear white). On a foolhardy mission to impress an Arab American college activist she becomes infatuated with, Dina joins the fuckboy at a refugee camp in Lebanon where for the first time she encounters a community of other diasporic Palestinians like (and definitely unlike) herself.

In this, the most evidently transnational moment in the novel, one that my students find elucidative of the course’s themes, the All-American Dina (a cheerleader, no less) comes face-to-face with the effects of state-sponsored violence on people with whom she shares an origin. One of the refugees, a seamstress named Sarah, produces a document to show Dina – it is the deed to the woman’s house in Palestine. Just before an Israeli airstrike occurs and Dina and the others have to evacuate the camp, the Palestinian woman confides that she lives with the hope that, one day, she will return to her own country. This year, after (unbelievably) the one-year anniversary of the genocide of Gazans that began on October 7, 2023, teaching this novel has had profound resonance. It has revealed to my students that persecution against Palestinians is not a recent phenomenon; rather, it continues to divest many of their homeland as the world looks on.

Indeed, the question of where one’s home is is a persistent theme in The Night Counter. This is a query the Abdullahs find themselves faced with when it becomes clear that they are being targeted by their own government because they are Arab Muslims in post-9/11 America. This, after four generations of the family have been in the United States, with a fifth-generation-child soon to arrive. State surveillance is the unknown soundtrack to the family’s lives as the crackle of static interferes with telephonic conversations. In fact, this is why their relative – the old person on the bus – dies alone and away from the family. The character’s repeated attempts to reach the family are thwarted by phone taps authorized by the government. It is state-sanctioned Islamophobia and racism that gets in the way of this character being with his kin in his final moments.

The Night Counter brings together themes of state persecution, familial conflict, transnationalism, and
Arab American history, but it also has a strong feminist perspective. Fatima’s house in Lebanon – the one she never sees again – was a gift to her from her mother, one that would allow Fatima to have a place to return to should things go awry in America. This matrilineal offering is in keeping with Scheherazade’s own legacy. As we may recall, the storyteller offered herself up in place of her sister, Dunyazad, who was to marry King Shahryar. The reason Scheherazade wished to replace Dunyazad was because the marriage meant certain death, the king finding little reason to prolong his unions were he to be displeased in the least with his brides. It is Scheherazade’s enchanting storytelling (the basis of One Thousand and One Nights) that causes Shahryar to fall in love with her, thereby keeping her and other women from being murdered.

While I tell my students that this is proof enough of the power of literature to save lives, the other lesson one learns is that Scheherazade grapples with state power, as represented by the king, through the use of culture (and wins). Arguably, Scheherazade’s story ends with the preservation of heteropatriarchy and not with the demise of the king (or the state). Yet, in demonstrating that stories and their telling preserve heritage while state-sanctioned violence looms, both The Night Counter and its ancient inspiration ask us to consider how even those made marginal hold on to what is most important to them and preserve it by passing it on in the stories they tell for more than a thousand and one nights.  

From RAWI (Books that Shaped SWANA Lit). With thanks to Priscilla Wathington and Alia Yunis. In fond remembrance of Leila Ben-Nasr.

Sunday, July 28, 2024

"Vamona Navelcar and the Carnation Revolution: The Blossoming of Change betwixt Continents" in SCROLL (28 July 2024)


 

 

 


This year marks the 50th anniversary of Portugal’s Carnation Revolution. It was on vinte e cinco de Abril, Portuguese for that fateful date of April 25, 1974, that the dictatorial Estado Novo or New State regime (1933-1974) came to an end in a largely peaceful overthrow led by members of the army. Named for the red flowers placed in the muzzles of soldiers’ guns by jubilating Portuguese people, the Carnation Revolution was the dawn of a new era, both within and beyond Portugal’s shores. The decolonization of Angola and Mozambique, both then Portuguese overseas territories, was close at hand. This notwithstanding, what has often been overlooked, is how Portuguese Africa influenced revolution in the metropole. The legacy of the moment was a transcontinental one and the Goan artist Vamona Navelcar (1929-2021) was but one person whose life exemplified the far-reaching political changes of the revolution and its aftermath.

Born in Goa, the capital of the Estado da Índia (Portuguese India), Navelcar’s natural artistic talent secured him a scholarship to study art in Portugal in the mid-1950s. None other than António de Oliveira Salazar, the prime minister of Portugal and founder of the Estado Novo, bestowed him with this state sponsorship. It was the kind of political entanglement that became a constant in Navelcar’s life in every country he called home, even on different continents.

Ironically, Navelcar often described himself as apolitical. Following the end of Portuguese rule in Goa in 1961, as art historian Savia Viegas  documents, the artist was asked by a fellow Goan in Portugal to sign a petition decrying the Indian takeover of formerly Portuguese India. While refusing, Navelcar responded that he saw himself only as an artist, thereby disavowing national allegiances altogether.

However, this was not to help him, for his government scholarship was rescinded during the politically volatile time. Only a fellowship from the Gulbenkian Foundation allowed Navelcar to complete his studies. Thereupon, unable to return to Goa as a Portuguese citizen, the artist opted instead to take up a government teaching job in Mozambique in 1963.

Mother and Child (1978) by Vamona Navelcar


FAILED PROMISES

The end of Portuguese colonialism in Goa, which had haunted Navelcar in Lisbon, should have served as an omen of things to come on the other side of the Indian Ocean. In 1975, Mozambique declared its independence from Portugal, which meant that Navelcar had to leave yet another country. If heretofore it had been the processes of anti- and de-coloniality that had caused the biggest upheavals in his life, on this occasion it was the politics of post-coloniality.

In newly independent Mozambique, Navelcar fell afoul of the administration for a number of plausible reasons. In various interviews, he cited a farewell party thrown in his honour on the eve of his intended departure to Portugal as the source of the travails.  Navelcar noted in these exchanges that alcohol was served at his going-away bash and also that it was a mixed-race gathering that included his students. The implication was that either of these could have been construed as anti-nationalist.

The lack of clarity as to why Navelcar and his students were rounded up and sent off to a hard labour camp in distant Imala was not an aberration in how Mozambique’s ruling party, Frente de Libertação de Moçambique, or Frelimo, dealt with the transition to post-colonialism. Scholars of the period, such as Victor Igreja, believe that inasmuch as Frelimo wanted to create a new Mozambique that was radically different from the country’s colonial past, it turned to authoritarianism especially because it was under-resourced.

In fact, this was the reason why Frelimo’s carceral projects left much to be desired, historian Benedito Machava contends. Camps like the one to which Navelcar and his students were dispatched were as ambiguous in their attempts to reeducate as might have been the state’s motives for incarcerating supposedly wayward citizens. Machava writes that “Frelimo authorities wanted the camps to be strict disciplinary institutions. But they were never able to realize their panoptic ambitions … because they simply could not afford to do so.”

It is upon this canvas of attempted postcolonial moral policing and surveillance that Navelcar executed a painting that would repeatedly fall out of his oeuvre and was to be unrecoverable by design. While on the one hand, the limited resources of the state kept Frelimo from carrying out its intended reeducation of camp inmates, on the other, the wilderness and the wild animals surrounding the camps deterred escape with many runaways failing in their attempts.

As is revealed in Anne Ketteringham’s biography, Vamona Navelcar: An Artist of Three Continents (2013), before they had been loaded into the vehicle that would take them away, a parent of one of the students had exacted a promise from Navelcar that he would “take care of… [the] children”. Capitalising on the desire for political reeducation in the meagre circumstances of the carceral system, Navelcar hatched a plan to keep his students safe from the surrounding wilderness where they would have been deployed to perform agricultural labour.

Navelcar requested permission from the commander in charge of the students to have them participate in a pedagogical exercise. He asked if he could lead the youth in painting a mural to the glory of the new nation. To his surprise, the commander said yes. After that, Navelcar busied himself and his wards in the project, but would find reasons every day to stall the work. He would ask the students to redraw or repaint sections or work at a very slow pace. In so doing, Navelcar kept his imprisoned crew from having to do hard labour in the surrounding jungle but also kept his promise to their parents that he would take care of the students. They were finally released three months later.

An African Figure (2010) by Vamona Navelcar

THE EXILE RETURNS

 

Despite his statements to the contrary, what can be gathered from such events in Navelcar’s life is that his artistic oeuvre and history were decidedly political. In Portuguese Mozambique, his adopted home, the artist covertly lent his artistic talents to anti-colonial efforts. When requested for art to accompany protest posters against colonial rule, Navelcar acquiesced and took pains to avoid detection by the Portuguese authorities, Ketteringham relays. In addition to leaving the work unsigned, the biographer quotes Navelcar as saying, “I used to paint and draw with my left hand so that people would not recognise my brush strokes or style of painting!”

Upon his release in 1976, Navelcar once more readied to leave Mozambique. If his entry into colonial Africa, due to his blacklisting in Lisbon, was semi-exilic, then that condition was rendered complete – even doubled – by his incarceration in postcolonial Mozambique. Although his departure had been imminent given his citizenship status and Mozambique’s freedom from Portuguese rule, his imprisonment darkened what had been one of the happiest times in his life.

As Ketteringham records, in preparation for his departure, the artist “collected all his belongings including nine hundred and fifty drawings and sketches, sixty oil paintings, prizes that he had won as well as diplomas and placed them in a suitcase”. His destination was once again the country he had been forced to leave a decade and a half earlier: Portugal.

Navelcar’s circuitous journey by air from Maputo to Lisbon included Beira, Dar-es-Salaam and Nairobi –  a veritable cartography of empires past. The convoluted itinerary had been the result of political instability in the aftermath of Mozambique’s independence. In other words, the link between colony and metropole had snapped.

The succeeding postcolonial state that took over from the fading colonial regime in Mozambique had intended to make a clean break from the past. But Navelcar’s incarceration at the end of colonialism in Mozambique, and then the reverse but convoluted journey to Portugal, symbolically highlight the failures of the colonial and postcolonial regimes.

Disembarking in the cold, Navelcar was to find that even Portugal, like its former African dominion, was in distress. It was two years after the Carnation Revolution of 1974: at the same time as its African empire was collapsing, the metropole itself was in a state of disrepair. Against this backdrop of state failure, Navelcar was to discover that the suitcase that contained nearly a thousand pieces of his art from Mozambique had gone missing. It was never to be recovered.

The loss of the entirety of the artistic corpus during the ostensibly mundane affair of travelling bears witness to the seemingly grandiose postcolonial themes of displacement, loss and exile in their inescapably quotidian nature. The arrival of Navelcar in Lisbon sans suitcase is a powerful example of dispossession linking the historically connected Mozambique and Portugal, both in the colonial past and in the postcolonial present.

AFRICA FREES EUROPE

The anthropologist António Tomás recharacterises the Carnation Revolution and its association with freedom in Africa by noticing that “the official history of this period... [purports] that the end of Estado Novo opened the way for the decolonization of Lusophone Africa. Or, first, Carnation Revolution took place and then the democratic regime in Portugal started negotiating the transfer of power to the ‘legitimate’ representatives of the former colonies In fact, what has been overlooked ... [is that the] Carnation Revolution does not only follow the [1973] Guinea[-Bissau] Revolution chronologically, but it was for the most part produced by it.”

Tomás emphasises that “the charismatic leader of the nationalist movement in Guinea-Bissau, Amílcar Cabral[,] was aware that independence of the countries he was fighting for, Guinea and Cape Verde, would only take place after the demise of Estado Novo”. He also believed that the struggle to end colonialism in those lands and fascism in Portugal “was the same”.

With the revolutionary political changes in Portuguese Africa reaching the metropole, the legacy of Portugal’s Third Empire (following the earlier Asian and Brazilian empires), which came to an end at the same time as the authoritarian Estado Novo, would instil itself in postcolonial Portugal in the shape of the many who came “back” from the former colonies. Dubbed retornados, these returnees “were a constant reminder of the experience of trauma, loss and messiness of decolonization that had taken place … across two continents,” says Pamila Gupta, a researcher of Portuguese colonialism.

Navelcar was among the retornados. Although his suitcase was never recovered, with it disappearing the many works he had developed during the Mozambican phase of his life, it was not the first time that his art had become unrecoverable. Recall the mural Navelcar kept instructing his students to redo, its incompletion protecting them from the wilderness in Imala. With his return to Lisbon, Navelcar had brought back a personal history that included Goa and Mozambique. And while he no longer had the canvases from his African stint, that he continued to create art with Mozambican influences indicates the perpetuity of the legacy in which he participated and by which he was shaped.

As he began life anew in Portugal in 1976, his imprisonment in Mozambique continued to haunt Navelcar. Making it worse was a lack of opportunities in Lisbon of the post-Carnation Revolution period. Reporting in 1975 on the state of culture in Portugal almost a year after the uprising, British critic Steve Bradshaw recognises the dramatic change from the time when “many Portuguese painters … were very successful under the old regime. Subsidies from the Gulbenkian Institute … supported mainstream Portuguese culture for many years, plus patronage from rich families, enabled artists … to live well and travel abroad.”

Founded in 1956 by Armenian émigré Calouste Gulbenkian, the foundation named for him had also sponsored Navelcar, saving him most notably by providing him with a grant at the time he was blacklisted in the early 1960s. In contrast, the mid-1970s saw a major change in the economic fortunes of Portugal, its democratisation paired with economic nationalisation. This sea change in the political economy meant that public and private patronage for the arts suffered.

It is against these economic and cultural events post-Estado Novo that one must situate Navelcar’s decision to return to Goa. An analysis of the creatively staid landscape in Portugal in the mid-1970s, when Navelcar returned to Lisbon, would show that while artists may have been expressing political sentiments, these were reflective of conditions in Portugal itself. Over the course of his life, Navelcar’s development as an artist had taken on a political valence, seeing him transition from a young student who shirked signing a document denouncing the Indian takeover of Goa while he was in Portugal to his pro-African and anti-authoritarian stance in colonial and postcolonial Mozambique, respectively.

On his return to Portugal after his African stint, his art and political views were expressive of his most recent experiences in the Lusophone Indian Ocean world but not the postcolonial metropole. Besides, the economic situation was such that the once-monied patrons of the arts had either fled the country or were no longer positioned to lend the kind of support to cultural development they did previously. Parallelly, the state was intent on cultivating a new regime, and where it supported cultural production, it was largely in the service of work that distanced it from the Estado Novo.

After the jubilance of the revolution, Portugal’s gaze had turned inward even as the retornados had brought back with them the inescapable colonial past. Yet, the time for colonial nostalgia had gone by, and if there was a political interest in the past, its limited cultural expression in Portugal did not include the memory of the Indian Ocean empires.

 

POSTCOLONIAL AMNESIA

If the political, economic and cultural changes made it impossible for Navelcar to stay on in Portugal, then diplomacy made it possible for him to return to India as a Portuguese citizen, something he was unable to do in the 1960s. On September 24, 1974, as the Washington Post reported, “Portugal recognized India’s full sovereignty over Goa”. The creation of diplomatic ties between the new democracy of Portugal and India, the largest democracy in the world, was incumbent upon multiple political amnesias. On one side was Portugal’s transition into democracy away from the memory of the fascistic Estado Novo period (which coincided with the end of the empire) and, on the other, India’s forgetfulness of the war it fought with Portugal to take over Goa while it had itself come to democracy by nonviolently ousting the British. This was the amnesiac present into which Navelcar stepped when he returned to Goa, the land of his birth, in 1982, a land that did not know the artist it had produced.

The Goa to which Navelcar returned in the 1980s, after having spent his most productive years in other locations, not only was unfamiliar with this artist’s oeuvre but, in having become a part of India, could not situate this artist of three continents within a nationalist art history. Especially being a postcolonial nationalism borne out of British colonialism, it had no room for an artist whose trajectory included the lusophonic world – its metropole and colonies in the Indian Ocean.

Excluded from national recognition because of his past, Navelcar’s art bears testament to conditions of displacement, loss and the search for refuge. Navelcar’s multiple displacements saw him in this position in every continent he wanted to call home. It is thus no mystery why he continues to be unrecognised in Indian art history. His canvas, nevertheless, stretches across continents, connecting histories and revolutionary change through the legacy of his art.

From Scroll.