Sunday, August 9, 2026

"‘The belief that written language is more important than spoken is harming the Konkani movement' - Augusto Pinto" in SCROLL (9 August 2026)

Sharing its name with the coast of its origin, the language of Konkani is spoken in multiple dialects and
written in scripts as diverse as Perso-Arabic, Roman, Devnagari, Kannada, and Malayalam. Enmeshed within the
politics of language, so closely tied to regional identity in South Asia, official status, standardization, and patronage pertaining to the scripts and languages in which Goan literary production occurs have been matters of long-standing concern in the enclave.

Located on the Konkan coast, Goa’s linguistic and literary heritage outsizes the region’s diminutive geography. Konkani is one of the languages in which Goan writers have expressed their craft in Romi and Nagri scripts, but Goan literature also appears in Marathi, English, and Portuguese. In fact, among the first novels of South Asian nascence is Os Brahmanes (1866) by Goan writer Francisco Luís Gomes (1829-1869); its Portuguese title really requires no translation, although The Brahmans (1971) – an edition in English – does exist.

Despite this varied literary heritage, in addition to the controversies surrounding it, intra- and inter-language translation in Goa has been limited. While translation efforts alone cannot diminish internecine linguistic tensions, they may support dialogue across the borders between scripts and languages. It is against this backdrop that one can place the work Augusto Pinto has been doing as a translator. His retirement as an Associate Professor of English at Goa’s S. S. Dempo College of Commerce & Economics notwithstanding, Pinto has continued to work in the field of literary studies as a translator. Published by the Sahitya Akademi, Hema Naik’s Leslie’s Broken Guitar Strings (2025) is Pinto’s latest translation of a novel that was originally published in Nagri Konkani. With a focus on Naik’s book, in this interview Pinto reflects on the task of translation, Goan literature, and the life of translated texts beyond their original form.

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RBF: Before it was Leslie’s Broken Guitar Strings, this novel by Hema Naik began its life in Nagri Konkani as Bhogdand (1997). Do you recall how you first encountered Naik’s novel and what about it piqued your interest in wanting to translate the book?

The title you have chosen for the translated version works really well, evoking the fragility of the musical instrument the eponymous Leslie is so fond of, as well as its metaphorical relaying of the precarity surrounding the character, his household, and community. Yet, the English title is rather different from that of its Konkani counterpart, so why the dramatic alteration? 

AP: I’d been translating the major plays of Hema Naik’s husband Pundalik Naik before Bhogdand and I had the occasion to meet both at their home in Savoi Verem. However, before Bhogdand I had encountered Durgavatar, a collection of Hema Naik’s short stories and I had translated the title story ‘Durgavatar’ (The Avatar of Durga), a chilling story of two women with abusive, alcoholic husbands, for an anthology that unfortunately didn’t get published.

How did Bhogdand get translated? Well, I had brought the novel to the attention of an online book club which was seen by the editors of the Interdisciplinary Journal of Portuguese Diaspora Studies who requested me to publish a translated excerpt from the novel. When I approached Hema Naik for permission to publish the excerpt, she requested me to translate the entire novel into English using a Sahitya Akademi scheme which supports translations of their award-winning titles.

With regards to the title of the book Leslie’s Broken Heart Strings, let me preface my explanation like this: a translator is willy nilly also an editor of the book. It’s not wise to translate everything literally and one has to judge when to omit matter irrelevant to the English reader and when to elaborate on words and ideas that may have no corresponding term in English. For example, the word khazan is a commonplace one in Goa and among those who know Konkani. But, in English, the translator can’t leave it unexplained and may have to explain that it is an elaborate system of dykes and bandhs on the rivers of Goa and, further, has to decide how much to explain about the importance of khazans for agriculture and fishing and life in general.

Now, the title of the book is one part which I think  needs special attention. It needs to be memorable and capable of prodding the reader to pick up the book while at the same time it should give an idea about the kind of book it is. The problem with Bhogdand is it is a compound word which has no single-word equivalent in English: while danda means punishment, bhog is ambiguous and can mean, among other things, satisfaction or lust, or libido, or even suffering. If I used a title which had lust or libido in it, it risked misleading readers into thinking that the genre of the book was erotica - which might have been disappointing to say the least.

Among the options I had was using the original title, as in Tagore’s Gitanjali, Premchand’s Godan, and V. Shanbhag’s Ghachar Ghochar. I thought that wouldn’t work with Bhogdand. Another option is using something entirely different from the original, like Stieg Larsson’s thriller which, in the original Swedish, was entitled Men who Hate Women, but which became in English the memorable The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo. That’s the way I went when I chose Leslie’s Broken Guitar Strings, which I believe encapsulated the story - and I’m glad you think well of it.

Having said that, changing the title like this can sometimes be a dicey thing. For instance, Jerry Pinto translated Jnanpith Award recipient Damodar Mauzo’s Konkani novel Jeev Diunk kai Chya Marunk (literally Commit Suicide or Drink Tea?) as Boy, Unloved. The problem is the shock value that emanates from the sense of wistfulness towards suicide in the original title, and which is a theme that runs through the novel, vanishes with the translated title. Personally, I’d have gone for something equally weird like Hara-kiri or Cuppa Tea?

 


 

RBF: Universal themes abound in Leslie’s Broken Guitar Strings: migration, familial conflicts, gender roles, and economic hardship. Nevertheless, set in the recent Goan past (the 1980s and 1990s), the novel’s regional and sociocultural milieu is evident. The village of Jua is like an ever-present character in the novel, the community’s intimate nature expressing itself as much in being close-knit as it is in inducing claustrophobia.

As you rendered your translation of Jua’s idiosyncrasies, did you find yourself drawing from your own understanding of Goan village life? Simultaneously, how did you negotiate the time difference, as it were, between the moment in which you were translating the novel and the historical period of its unfolding?

AP: I agree with your observation that Jua emerges as a character in the novel. All the actions of the characters of the novel are performed with the island being the backdrop. It is constantly observing them, sometimes in unnerving ways. It is for this reason that Gemma, the female protagonist of the novel, is quite determined not to build her new house within the village but instead wants a plot of land across the river surrounding the island where she will be out of sight of its nosy, intrusive inhabitants. However, this Jua isn’t a single individual but is more like the chorus of a Greek play, which takes on different forms at different times. The island expresses itself through a variety of means, including patriarchy and tradition and conservative values.

The novel can, at a larger level, also be seen as a commentary on migration, a phenomenon which is too often exclusively seen only in material terms. No doubt, for Goans, migration was a means of improving their economic life, but if one examines it from a cultural viewpoint it may be seen as a means of escaping from the hierarchical and patriarchal norms that stifled the lives of the people of Goa, something which historian Teotónio de Souza, quoting Karl Marx, called “the idiocy of rural life.”

Although caste, which is one of those determining factors of traditional Goan life, is one that Naik keeps on the sidelines, she does dwell on how woman, who had hitherto been tied up by the bonds of patriarchy, are now finding freedom through education and entrepreneurship.

As for drawing on my own experiences, it’s true that living in Goa makes it easier to catch the nuances of life here as it is lived. A Goan is aware of the differences of caste, class, and tribe, for instance, and the kinds of differences that exist in Old Conquest areas, where the Portuguese were controlling the administration from the sixteenth century, and New Conquest areas, which came into their possession a couple of centuries later. Life in the Sattari taluka, which Prakash Parienkar deals with in The Bitter-Fruit Tree and Other Stories, can be a culture shock even for someone who has lived most of their life here.

However, Leslie's Broken Guitar Strings largely takes place in a Catholic Goan ethnic setting which I’m very familiar with and so it made translation all the more easy for me. With regard to the period when the novel was written, (roughly around 1990 when the Iraq invasion of Kuwait took place,) it was one that affected me closely as I had many friends and even family who were living in the Gulf at the time. Like many a Catholic Goan family, I had been following the conflict very closely at the time. So, negotiating the time difference in this novel wasn’t much of an issue.


RBF: Naik often goes into quite a bit of ethnographic detail. A passage that set this writerly trait in relief for me is this exquisite moment:

One day  Antonette[, Leslie’s mother,] sat on the sopo idly thinking about things … She recalled how the old people used to describe the different phases of the monsoons. The scattered drizzles that would occasionally fall nowadays were the sontaran rains–meaning the rains of the great, great grandchildren. The very first rains that would fall, the pre-monsoon showers, were called the mhataream rains–rains of the old people which was because the old needed rain more than others.

This is just the beginning of such a catalogue of kinds of rainfall, all personified in terms of familial and generational relationships. I can see an eco-critical literary scholar having a field day with this climatic chronicle, given that the environment is likened to kin in Antonette’s reminisces of “how the elders would describe” monsoonal precipitation.

Antonette’s reverie signals changing times. Such knowledge of the elements, refined but also likened to the members of one’s family, is something even she imagines as being the purview of “the elders” – a knowledge system that she cannot claim a ready facility with. The reader is to imagine a time when this information will no longer be commonplace and even less so a memory.

Now, what I find even more intriguing here is not that you have retained the original Konkani words but that they appear in Romi Konkani in an English text. Said differently, the Nagri words readers would have encountered in Bhogdand (as well as the cultural knowledge they codify) are preserved and propagated in Romi Konkani through this English version of the novel.

What might this tell us about the role literary works play in the multilingual/multiscript context of Goa in serving as cultural texts and also as holders of verbal knowledge beyond their own linguistic remit?

AP: A language embodies the culture of a people and the Konkani that we use is intimately related to the soil and soul of Goa. Till quite recently, Goa was an agrarian society and Konkani reflected that. The example that you cite of Antonette describing the rains is only one of them. Much else depended upon the monsoons and how they would affect the crops. For instance, there’s the aspect of making purument or provisions for the rains that now has become much diminished.

            However, I know it’s a commonplace one but I don’t agree with the distinction that you make between Romi and Nagari Konkani (you presumably mean Devanagari, as Nagari can refer to an older script which is not in current usage). The words I use are Konkani words and not Romi Konkani or Devanagari Konkani words (just as they would not be Kannada Konkani words or Malayalam Konkani words had I used those scripts). The Romi-Devanagari script war that is waged in Goa is linguistically senseless. Romi and Devanagari are scripts, not languages, and Romi Konkani and Devanagari Konkani are not dialects.

            If the terms Romi Konkani and Devanagari Konkani are of any significance, it is because they refer to the positions of two politically opposing elite Konkani groups whose major difference is essentially religion and who are fighting to have their own favored dialects as the standard dialect of the language. The conflict between them is also indicative of how writing has become more privileged as compared to speech among these elites. It’s worth recalling that if Konkani survived over the ages, even during periods when the Portuguese banned its literature, it did so because it lived on the lips of the people. Writing and printing is, in civilizational terms, a very recent phenomenon and the belief that written language is of greater importance than spoken language is not just mistaken but is doing great harm to the Konkani movement. It delegitimizes all the regional and social dialects that Konkani comprises of, including the dialects of the Velips and the Gawdas and the Padyes; the Saxtti and Perni variety and those of Sattari and so on. (I dealt with other aspects of this issue in a review of the volume The Languages of Goa which is part of the People’s Linguistic Survey of India edited by G. N. Devy.)

            Hopefully the audio-visual culture of modern times that has been spawned by the mobile phone and the internet, and which has been accelerated manyfold by the developments of AI, will reduce the obsession with scripts. In fact, AI which allows for almost simultaneous transliteration among scripts can not only make the Devanagari-Romi battle a redundant one but can also make Konkani a leader in using language across multiple scripts simultaneously. It could also make redundant the need for a standard dialect and allow the different dialects of Konkani to coexist without being looked down upon by users of a preferred standard dialect, which currently is Antruzi, or the one preferred by the Romi Konkani protagonists - Bardezi.

RBF: Did you have the opportunity to consult with novelist Hema Naik as you translated her book? As you assayed the translation, what was most challenging? How did this translation project differ from others you have undertaken?

AP: I did very occasionally do that when I didn’t understand  a word or phrase in a passage. However, when translating Bhogdand this happened very rarely because the novel is set in a largely Goan Catholic milieu which I am obviously very familiar with. In fact, there were a few occasions when I was able to correct some minor errors related to some Christian prayers and rituals in the Konkani version.

The case was very different when I translated the brilliant plays of Pundalik Naik - Hema’s husband - which as of now are sadly unpublished. Plays like Shebai Shebai Bahujan Samaj or Shri Vichitrachi Zatra, for instance, need an intimate knowledge of life in Goan villages and an intimate knowledge of the significance of different rites and rituals and cultural practices which, for me, required a lot of consultation with the author and others familiar with the culture.

It’s good to have an original author by one’s side, however, for a different reason. When alive they are more often than not extremely keen on getting their work translated competently. However, I’ve had the occasion of translating some authors who have passed on and, when this happens, it can be a real pain in the neck because the heirs to the copyright aren’t familiar with literature and sometimes they harbor the suspicion that the translator is out to steal the author’s legacy and they create needless hassles for him.

RBF: What would you like readers to take from your translation of Naik’s novel? Do you foresee this book appearing in educational curricula in Goa and elsewhere?

AP: Frankly speaking, I hope that readers just find it an interesting read as most people read fiction for entertainment and not to get educated. That of course does happen, but it’s a subconscious process. 

As for it being used in the educational curriculum in Goa, I certainly see that happening at some point in future as it is a novel that has multiple themes, among which are migration, unemployment, and interpersonal relationships, which will enable readers to examine their own lives in a meaningful way.

RBF: Finally, what can you tell readers about other translation work they might see from you in time to come?

AP: The work of Pundalik Naik who is one of the greatest Konkani writers of modern times is looking for a publisher. Pundalik Naik’s forte is drama and, in my opinion, he’s one of the finest Indian dramatists, but the problem is that his plays haven’t been translated into English and other languages. I’ve translated seven of his best plays. Unfortunately, it appears as if publishing drama has fallen out of favour. A manuscript of the late Gajanan Jog, one of the most skilled Konkani short story writers, is awaiting publication with a local publisher. I’ve also done translations of poetry which many others have found difficult but which I enjoy doing. The late Vishnu Wagh's controversial book of poetry Sudhirsukta, for instance, is  on my computer waiting for a publisher. There are also a number of writers whose best pieces I have translated over the years: Chandrakant Keni and Soter Barreto come immediately to mind, whose works need to be anthologized. The problem with publishing translations is that they need publishers who have a national and, better still, international distribution network. Otherwise, their books don’t get the attention they deserve.

But unfortunately, the more prominent publishing houses who can do this are ruled by their bottom lines and don’t give much space for translations from writers from smaller states or of minor languages. In this connection, the Sahitya Akademi could have been a liferaft for smaller languages in the scheduled list like Konkani. The problem is that the process in the Akademi tends to be exhaustingly slow and bureaucratic. Also of late, there are signs that the Akademi which had despite all its faults been a relatively autonomous institution, is under pressure by the government to follow its diktats. If only the government had the wisdom to appoint people of the calibre of Ravi Singh or David Davidar who could turn this institution around!

From Scroll

Sunday, July 12, 2026

"‘Zanzibar was the genesis of the Goan migration to British East Africa’: Historian Selma Carvalho" in SCROLL (12 July 2026)

While the history of the South Asian diaspora readily maps on to the contours of the British empire, this is not the full story and especially not so in the case of displaced Goans. Of course, having been a Portuguese colony from 1510 to 1961, it may be considered likely that Goa saw its migrants seek opportunities in other Portuguese overseas territories. Again, not entirely the case.

In her new book, Guts, Glory and Empire: The Epic Story of Goans in Zanzibar, 1865-1910 (Speaking Tiger 2026), Selma Carvalho offers a reconceptualization of Goan diasporic history as having been the result of the small community navigating the intricacies of multiple and overlapping political dispensations. For Goans in nineteenth-century Zanzibar, their official citizenship may have been Portuguese, but they had to contend with the region becoming a British protectorate; in the meanwhile, the Indian Ocean island was also ruled by Omani sultans.

Slavery, colonialism, and trade have created a complex multicultural heritage in Zanzibar that contrasts with its diminutive size at just over 1500 square kilometres. While currently the Goan presence on the island has diminished much like the remembrance of its history, Carvalho chronicles an intrepid community who simultaneously benefitted from, colluded with, and were sidelined by European imperial machinations in the Eastern African isle.

In this interview, Carvalho explains Zanzibar’s importance as a historical location in the making of Goan diasporic identity within the volatile milieu of nineteenth century imperial politics. The author also reflects on why the heyday of Goan involvement in East Africa has receded into the backdrop while considering the part historiography plays in situating communities rendered marginal despite their contributions to shaping global modernity.

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RBF: “Zanzibar” all but disappears in 1964. That is the year it became part of Tanzania, the name of the new nation a portmanteau of two former territories, the other being Tanganyika. If one were to place them in order according to how the former British East Africa factors into the making of South Asian diasporic history and identity, then the country in first place would be Kenya with Uganda a very close second. Tanzania would appear thereafter with Zanzibar lurking within the fused moniker of that nation, almost fatefully so because the island’s name, although of Perso-Arab origins, begins with the last letter of the English alphabet.

Yet, your new book argues for the significance of Zanzibar, both as an important port in the making of nineteenth-century imperial trade relations and for the shaping of Goan identity in Africa. In your earlier writing on Goan migration such as A Railway Runs Through: Goans of British East Africa, 1865-1980 (2014), it is not that Zanzibar does not get a mention; however, the little island is not accorded nearly as much attention as Guts, Glory and Empire deservedly gives it. What prompted this newfound research direction?

Additionally, there is much to be said about the similarity between Goa and Zanzibar. Both are Indian Ocean enclaves, both have been culturally shaped by Portuguese and Islamic influences while also being part of the trade in enslaved Black people, and both became part of other nations in the 1960s. What attracted Goans to Zanzibar, especially in the 1800s?     

SC: My research into the Goan presence in East Africa spans roughly eighteen years. It coincides with my
arrival in London, where I was warmly welcomed by this extraordinarily successful and articulate community who called themselves East African Goans. I realised at that moment that here was an untold story. There was a sparse breadcrumb trail left by the late Teresa Albuquerque in her book Goans of Kenya (1999), and there were a number of academic books which had investigated the subject as one of migration. But there was no literature at all on the actual people who migrated mid-nineteenth century, the minutiae of their lives, politics, hopes, aspirations and contributions. During the course of my research, I began to realise that Zanzibar had in fact been the genesis of the Goan migration to British East Africa. The question intrigued me—why had they settled in Zanzibar? There was a history of elite Goan communities in Portuguese East Africa, but what had brought them to Zanzibar? There is not one single route that might have led to Zanzibar, rather there are several possibilities. Indeed, this early exploratory phase of mid-nineteenth century ocean crossing is for me, at least, one of the most exciting periods, and as yet not fully explored.

Initially what attracted Goans was this adventurous spirit they carried which enabled them to cross oceans. As Zanzibar grew prosperous and by a quirk of destiny became central to European imperial expansionism in East Africa, Goans found their own ascendancy linked to this opportune moment in history. A few Goans who had arrived as stewards and cooks, then took to setting up taverns and small shops. They became immensely prosperous, recruiting men from Goa to work for them in Zanzibar. Later, Goans arrived to work in clerical and administrative positions. During the interlude they became central to the sultanate as doctors, interpreters, musicians and merchants. Important administrative posts, such as that of postmaster and government press manager, were held by Goans.  

RBF: As you note, “[i]t is during … the mid-1860s … that [the] men who would shape the destiny of Zanzibar—Prince Barghash, John Kirk, C. R. Souza—began to assemble and their lives began to converge in the manner of small islands.” Thereupon, “within a few years, Barghash would be crowned sultan, Kirk would become consul-general at the British consulate, and C. R. Souza emerge as one of the richest men on Zanzibar island.”

For Barghash and Goan entrepreneur Caetano do Rosário Souza, the future was not necessarily promised. The former tried several times to become Sultan of Zanzibar, his failed efforts even resulting in him being exiled to British India, and Souza, despite his pluck, often found himself the subject of derision amongst the administrators who were steadily carving out a European sphere of influence in East Africa.

And yet, here we have an ambitious Arab prince, a high-caste Goan Catholic, and a British career colonialist who would come together to shape the destiny of this Indian Ocean African island. What might be said of this particular historical juncture that would bring together such an unlikely assemblage of foreign actors and, even more so, to the exclusion of indigenous people?  

SC: I think one of the extraordinary things about Zanzibar is that everything we believe we know about empire and the indigene gets turned on its head. The African was indigenous to Zanzibar, but the Arab did not consider themselves non-indigenous to the Swahili coast. In fact, if I can push this a little further, I suspect even the Kutch with a centuries-long association and settlement along the Swahili coast did not consider themselves non-indigenous. “Belonging” as we understand it today, with its defined geographical demarcations, does not translate to the early nineteenth century. The Kutch were under the protection of the sultan, their names appearing in his book of “Sultan’s Hindees.” As in any society, a pecking order had been established, and unfortunately in Zanzibar, the indigenous African was placed at the bottom of that hierarchy, disenfranchised from every avenue of power other than which they derived from their Arab owners. (It was different on mainland Africa, where indigenous African chiefs asserted territorial power.) It is this curious confluence of Arab royalty, British imperialism, and South Asian merchant capitalism that shaped the destiny of Zanzibar. This tenuous co-dependence laid the blueprint for modern cities as we know them today.

RBF: “Mistaken for mixed-race Europeans and called half-caste Portuguese by the British, Goans took pride in being part of the European world…” Your book makes it quite evident that the identity of Goans appeared to be quite malleable in the way they were perceived in Zanzibar of the nineteenth century. This was not always so: “[N]ot all Goans had their racial identity so easily blurred … [T]hose dwindling at the bottom, the throng of brawling ‘Goanese’ who lived in filthy conditions…, [were] dismissed as native[s].”

Thus, even as Britons may have grudgingly accorded elite Goans some shared cultural (or, less so, biological) Europeanness, this was still in the service of drawing a line between themselves and this other group who were marked by a lack of purity of racial/cultural origin. That there also existed visibly poorer Goans did not help.

This signals two layers of distinction on the island. The first is between the races and the second within the Goan community itself which drew from “[a] recurring theme … among British colonial officials … [who accused] lower class Goans [of] living in squalor.”

The more well-heeled Goans were quick to capitulate:

All the charities, committees and clubs formed by Goans to discuss matters of health, education and welfare, comprised the upper-class who lived in the more salubrious parts of town distanced from … poverty [and working class Goans] … Already an intersectionality between class and race was emerging, where class could blur racial differences, and make oneself acceptable to European hegemony.   

Your book is not devoid of mention of non-elite Goan people, but it centres the lives of those Goan subjects whose caste privilege and European acculturation (because of the Portuguese colonisation of their homeland) allowed them to be advantaged in the colonially hierarchical multiculturalism of Zanzibar.

How separated were poorer Goans from their patrician counterparts in everyday life and society at the time?

SC: What becomes obvious in Goan diaspora history, beginning with the nineteenth century satellite Goan community in Bombay, is that the Goan elite carried a profound sense of noblesse oblige. They may have socially distanced themselves from working-class Goans—to the extent that they excluded them from their clubs and committees—but they also felt a responsibility towards their well being. Hence, one of the first collective acts that takes place is the forming of two charities on Zanzibar island, that of St. Joseph and St. Francis Xavier by 1874.

It is in the constitution of these charities that an early understanding of democratic franchise and gender equality becomes obvious within Goan society. But a form of internalised racism persisted toward their own working-class populations—the cooks, stewards, tailors, people who were not Europeanised in mannerism, speech, and cultural pursuits. Their lack of Europeanisation was an embarrassment to elite Goans. The Portuguese language was instrumental in social gate-keeping. Those who could speak the language were imbued not just with social mobility but also a quasi-political power.

Caste rivalries persistent among Catholics in Goa resurfaced in Zanzibar, and from the tired old tropes of caste arose fresh divisions, markedly between the uneducated trading class and the urban educated class. At times, these rivalries played out in public leading to catastrophic diplomatic tensions impacting international relations.

RBF: Although Zanzibar found itself ensconced in the political intrigues of Omani sultans and
European colonisers, it did not mean that Goans—as small as this community was—were not also involved in administrative goings on. Here, I am referring not only to their employment as interpreters and clerks by the island’s Arab and British authorities, but also the fact that Goans were appointed as vice-consuls and consul-generals in the Portuguese consulate on the island. What does this reveal of the peculiarities of Portuguese colonialism in comparison to its British counterpart?

It is also important to underscore that although Goans were Portuguese citizens in East Africa, curiously, “until a Portuguese consulate was established in 1885, the affairs of Goans were overseen by the British consulate.” With no Portuguese administrative body in place, “[f]or those Goans who had registered with the consulate, effectively, it meant they became British protected subjects.” This was foundational to how Goan identity evolved, you contend, for “[i]t was this ‘protection’ which the Goans encountered in Zanzibar that would lay the foundation of their understanding of citizenship, that it could be dual and changeable.”

In 1897, this mercurial self-making led “the Portuguese Consul-General Ferreira de Castro [to call] the Goan community in Zanzibar, amphibio, amphibious in nature switching nationalities as it suited them.” I would challenge the consul-general’s characterization of why Goans switched politico-national loyalties and ask, instead, if the reason this miniscule community’s allegiances were variable is because they sensed the necessity of being flexible given the still-forming world order. Certainly, this must have also had to do with British ascendancy across the globe which contrasted so starkly with Portuguese decline?

SC: In Africa, Portugal found it hard to colonise with boots on the ground. Already, in neighbouring Mozambique a dependence on Goan elites as agents of empire had been established by Portugal. In Zanzibar, this authority was formalised. The appointment of Dr. Brás Souza as vice-consul in 1885 and later as consul-general imbued Goans with consular authority. The trend continued with elite Goans being given judicial power over other Goans. Thus began a period of collaborative empire-building, a sort of partnership between native Goans and the Portuguese.

To the second point, in Zanzibar, Goans understood that political loyalties could be multi-faceted. The book gives us a glimpse into how easily loyalties could switch for Goans depending on the situation—they could ask to be under British protection or the sultan’s protection. Often, if Portugal’s relationship with the sultanate became strained, Portugal would place Goans under the protection of the Germans.

RBF: One cannot speak of Africa of the past centuries without addressing the trade in enslaved Black people. Were Goans complicit in these ventures? In the racial hierarchy of the island—where elite Goans were greatly advantaged—how did Goans treat Black people?

SC: There is a notion that empire was driven entirely by Europe’s militaristic might. But the longue durée was made up of disparate people living together, each one asserting their own power where they could engage in the oppression of other people. Some instances of Goan-inflicted oppressions are detailed in Guts, Glory and Empire—the blurring of slave and servant for instance. There are, at least, two instances where Goans buy slaves to work for them.

Although, litigating the past is futile, the practice of slave-ownership was frowned upon even at the time. Principally, it fell afoul of the law, but more importantly it was morally abhorrent. The French Catholic missionaries with whom Goans were closely allied in Zanzibar were staunch abolitionists. It seems incongruent that on the one hand Goans kept close company with the French missionaries while on the other hand the very same people owned chattel labour.

RBF: Elvira Martin née Souza is one of the rare figures in the book of whom we get a fuller profile as a woman. This notwithstanding, your research findings emphasize how rarely she was “referred to by her name. She had simply disappeared into being Mrs James Martin.” Beyond being defined only through heteropatriarchy, how might we understand the lives of Goan women in this moment?

SC: One of the misgivings I harbour is that I could not flesh out the lives of women in the book. The archives were silent because it was men who inhabited the public space and were visible enough to have left behind a documented record of their lives. Once in a while a glimpse is afforded by way of an obituary or a will where the wife is the beneficiary and then a story can be extrapolated from that nugget of information.

Elvira Martin Souza is that rare Goan woman who is visible in East Africa’s history. Much of this visibility stems from her being the daughter of the aforementioned Dr. Brás Souza. Later, Elvira became even more renowned as the wife of the Maltese adventurer James Martin. Elvira and James were very much part of the early colonials who set up camp around what would, by 1899, become known as Nairobi, the capital of Kenya. Accomplished, talented, able to sing in several languages and a great lover of music, an entire chapter is dedicated to Elvira Martin Souza in the book.

RBF: “As empire formalised in East Africa, as colonists established associations and increasingly usurped power, as the crown government solidified and favoured white settlers, the Goan entrepreneur faded in East Africa ... A causal relationship has to be assumed between the rise of empire and the decline of the Goan as an autonomous agent.” In so saying, Guts, Glory and Empire signals the end of the halcyon days of Goans in Zanzibar, their legacy obscured.

Apart from the rise of empire, the fault for why this history is little known you lay at the feet of the community itself: “That Goans had no sense of their historical relevance has condemned their story to obscurity. That no such institutions or historians chronicled their tremendous contribution rendered them mute.”

While your book intervenes in this loss, what does it also say about how minority communities are researched in South Asian diasporic studies (where “South Asian” is really North Indian) and what may this advise for future enquiries about Goa and its diasporas?

SC: There is a question to be asked as to why some histories are forgotten or erased. I cannot find an explanation as to why the extraordinary history of the Goan interlude in Zanzibar had not been written about. And a vast unwritten history still exists out there of the Goan presence in Mozambique. To investigate these histories, of course, requires tremendous financial resource. It is incumbent on institutions to set up funding. Goan history suffers from the label of being a “niche history” but the disparate threads of the Indian subcontinent and the Indian Ocean have to become part of the national consciousness. That is how we become a nation by being genuinely interested in each other’s lives and recognising that these are shared pasts.

Indeed, I would go so far as to say, that is how we begin to understand our shared humanity. For instance, until Guts, Glory and Empire, there was no recognition of the Goan engagement with the nineteenth-century Arab world. We remember the Goan presence in East Africa only as having serviced the British administration, but there had been a long history prior and parallel to that.

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