Showing posts with label Bollywood. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bollywood. Show all posts

Wednesday, December 14, 2022

"Sirens of Modernity: Hindi Cinema of the 1960s" in INDIA CURRENTS (11 November 2022)

 

Sirens of Modernity: World Cinema via Bombay (University of California Press, 2022) chronicles the travels of 1960s’ Hindi-language cinema. Authored by Samhita Sunya, Assistant Professor of Cinema in the Department of Middle Eastern and South Asian Languages and Cultures at the University of Virginia, the book (available open access here) enquires into the international appeal of Bollywood films, many underrated. This interview with Sunya delves into the peculiar nature of these films.

RBF: What brought you to the study of the generally obscure films you scrutinize in your book?

SS: I have been repeatedly watching many of these films since the earliest moments of my dissertation research, but for a long time, I remained unsure of how they fit together. I started to realize that the value of these films lay not so much in their obscurity, but in the challenges they pose to how one writes histories of films which do not readily fit into accounts that focus on a single industry or language or national context. I was also struck by the films’ own incredible reflexivity over their own misfit status, and how earnestly they extol and defend popular cinema as a medium with the capacity to reach and endear audiences to one another across boundaries. I don’t take their allegorical arguments about cinema at face value, but instead seek to understand the significance of such cinema in a particularly volatile Cold War-era period: in both India and the world.

RBF: Your book opens with a discussion of the “item number” in Chintu Ji (2009). Also referred to as
“item bombs,” you explain that the term may have derived from America’s atom bomb tests at Bikini Atoll just after World War II. This history, and
the garment named after the atoll, comes together in the performance of item numbers where a siren “bombshell” is always sexily clad. Certainly the case in the Chintu Ji item number “Akira Kurosawa,” you describe its lyrics as “a litany of canonical–and largely midcentury–world cinema auteurs’ names.” This reminded me of a similar litany of the names of western film icons in Madonna’s “Vogue” (1990), a song that centers these Golden Age Hollywood stars at the same time as it co-opts the dance style of its title from the queer Black and Latinx underground scene of the New York of its day. Yet, what “Akira Kurosawa” does that “Vogue” cannot is to portray the complexity of cultural dialogue between media genres. As a product of 1960s’ Hindi/Bombay cinema, what made the item number an apt site of negotiations of gender, culture, and international politics?

SS: The “Akira Kurosawa” sequence references global cinematic histories that have informed contentious debates over “good” cinema, as it playfully contrasts a proper art cinema with an excessive commercial cinema through its invocation of Satyajit Ray, whose name is uttered as “tribal” gibberish in a climactic moment. While we often hear of Bollywood “going global” in the 1990s, when it became increasingly visible in the West, such statements belie a much longer history of Hindi films’ popularity throughout the second and third world. “Akira Kurosawa” parodies several apparent excesses of commercial cinema that were vociferously debated in the 1960s: especially audiovisual spectacle and feminine sexuality. Often, these are conflated. But we must ask ourselves: On the basis of what values are we perceiving something as excessive or gratuitous?

RBF: I was struck by your identification of a 1963 Indian government report that called for dubbing films in other languages as a way to assert “state control over Indian films’ overseas distribution and earnings.” Further, you note that while western critics saw the song-and-dance numbers in such films as a liability, the Indian government and viewers in various countries thought otherwise. I am curious as to whether these music-dance elements that are now so synonymous with Bollywood cinema were transformed over time because of this international popularity.

SS: A fascinating thing about the overseas popularity of Hindi films in the 1960s was that it was driven by largely ad-hoc, informal practices of distribution. Both the Bombay industry and the Indian state regarded this overseas popularity of Hindi song-dance films opportunistically and made unsuccessful attempts to exert control over this unruly field of distribution. So, there was little incentive on the part of Hindi filmmakers to cater to these audiences in any special way, beyond rare attempts like the prestige co-productions that the book discusses. In addition, the overseas popularity of Hindi films was often imbalanced. Hindi films were incredibly popular in places like Iran and Egypt, but the reverse was not true.


 

RBF: You identify the Soviet-Indian co-produced film Pardesi/Khozhdenie Za Tri Morya (1957/8), based on the historical travels of fifteenth-century Tver merchant Afanasy Nikitin, as a transnationally made film that points to possible transgressions of the “[organization of] the world along hierarches of gender, race, caste, and class.” Over time, Bollywood films have explored international and diasporic connections. However, is Pardesi/Khozhdenie set apart in that it prefers the possibilities of cultural and social exchange amongst ordinary people (despite the extraordinariness of their circumstances)?

SS: What sets Pardesi/Khozhdenie apart is its production at a time when many believed in the real possibility of a global, revolutionary Left and in the centrality of popular cinema to public life and world-making. Cinema was seen as a potent medium for reaching and influencing large numbers of people in the world, for better and for worse. In this case, the “better” came from a faith in cinema’s potential to address working-class audiences and galvanize popular social movements around such pressing issues as gender, race, caste, and class inequalities!

RBF: As we close, let’s talk about bangles. Your research for the book uncovered “a smuggling ruse involving waste celluloid headed for bangle factories” in the 1960s! Films consigned to the bangle factory, you explain, is a metaphor for failure. At the same time, you relate the bangle as a feminine accoutrement to “the politics of sexuality in the Indian state’s concerns over [international] smuggling,” especially in relation to films. You conclude that even with films that flopped, like the India-Iran co-produced Subah-O-Sham/Homa-ye Sa’adat (1972), there is something to be learned about gender, international relations, and their nexus. Is this still true in a time of globalization?

SS: Even in the “long” 1960s, it was not uncommon for audiences to consume media produced in foreign locations. The key here, in a case like Subah-O-Sham/Homa-ye Sa’adat, is that the film’s production was both emerging from and pushing the envelope of established practices. While we might more readily turn to avant-garde films for examining such histories of bucking trends, I was interested in cases that embraced—rather than opposed—popular cinema as a scalable means to an ethical end that is vociferously professed to be something other than profit. 

From India Currents.

Thursday, January 16, 2020

"One Cinema Town" in THE PEACOCK: The Prof (26 November 2019)


I ask about the fading film posters on the wall: one from Mardon Wali Baat (1988) and the other from Aag Hi Aag (1987), surprised to see these Bollywood artefacts so far away from their origins. Rania Elias, director of the Yabous Cultural Centre tells me during my visit in June 2019 that they are remnants from more than 25 years ago, Indian films being popular at the cinema then. The dates of the posters coincide with the closure of Al Quds Cinema, which only reopened at Yabous in 2012.
It is the only cinema in Occupied Palestine’s East Jerusalem.

I tried to imagine what it meant for a community not to have a cinema for 25 years, films being so integral to public culture, the material of everyday conversations, a medium that ignites the imagination.

 Built in the 1950s, the popular East Jerusalem cinema once held up to 800 persons and screened commercial films from the region and around the world until the Israeli authorities closed it in 1987, at the start of the first Palestinian intifada,” The Electronic Intifada (20 February 2012) chronicles in an article about the relaunch of the institution.

Though for the intervening years between Al Quds’ closure and reopening there may have been no public space where films made by Palestinians could be viewed in community, cinema about and by Palestinians demonstrates a variety of forms and themes. 

At IFFI, this year, Elia Suleiman’s new comedy, It Must be Heaven, follows the journey of a man who leaves his native Palestine to seek opportunities elsewhere. Exile is a recurrent subject in Palestinian cinema, as is occupation. In Degradé (2015), twin brothers Tarzan and Arab Nasser direct a story about thirteen Palestinian women trapped in a beauty salon in Gaza. 

Like East Jerusalem, Gaza too was sans community cinema for decades, meaning that the Nasser brothers, who are from there, would have grown up without it. The Independent (27 August 2017) reports that Gaza City’s Samer Cinema closed in the 1960s. It wasn’t till 2017 that Gazans could watch a film in a cinema for the first time in the 21st century. The first screening held there was the premier of Ten Years, a feature about Palestinians in Israeli prisons. 

Palestinian filmmakers exercise their art under trying circumstances. The Israel-born Palestinian director of Paradise Now (2005), Hany Abu-Assad, “was reportedly threatened by both sides in the conflict,” Roger Ebert writes in his review of the film about suicide bombers, curiously adding that “the film is dangerous because of its objectivity…”

Currently on the film festival circuit, Palestinian American director Alia Yunis’ documentary The Golden Harvest tracks the cultural legacy of olive oil. Though the documentary takes one through Italy, Greece, Spain, and Israel, its heart is in Palestine. In an interview with The National (7 April 2019), a news source from Abu Dhabi where Yunis resides, she muses, “My dad was born in Palestine and so was olive oil.” A tribute to her father’s memory, the film is also about olive trees as markers of Palestinian heritage, especially in contested lands. Yunis remarks, “The olive tree is exceptional … and ultimately, for the owners of the trees, proof of existence … But all plants connect us to the ground beneath us, and understanding that gives us roots to grow, too.”

A similar thought occurs to me about cinema, which is a site of representation and collective memory. Al Quds Cinema in East Jerusalem may be the only one, but it is more than just one of a kind.


Addendum: Rania Elias noted in an email to me that the original owners of Al Quds closed the cinema down out of concern "due to the political situation and the first uprising."

Monday, December 30, 2019

"The Folly(wood) of Hindi" in THE PEACOCK: The Prof (25 November 2019)


Upon a friend’s suggestion, I checked out the new Indian supernatural Netflix series, Typewriter. I was so horrified that I had to stop watching.

The show was in Hindi. 

What’s strange about a web programme from India being in the national language, you might ask? Well, Typewriter takes place in Goa, its lead character named Jenny Fernandes. The series’ use of Hindi is perplexing, given its ostensible location in Goa where Konkani and Marathi are linguistically regional. This follows a common trend in which Bollywood movies tell Goan stories, as in Trikal (1985) and My Brother… Nikhil (2005), but do so to the near exclusion of local languages (and talent, it might be added).

Such films centre characters meant to be Goan while relying on facts from Goan history. Trikal unfolds in the aftermath of the end of Portuguese colonialism in Goa, while My Brother… Nikhil is based on the life of Goan activist Dominic D’Souza, the first person in India to be diagnosed with HIV. The use of Hindi to tell such stories is jarring. It is reminiscent of Kimiko Akita’s observation of the strangeness of the film Memoirs of a Geisha (2005), where its traditional Japanese women are heard to be “speak[ing] English fluently” (Global Media Journal, Fall 2006).  

Bollywood’s language colonialism via Hindi not only undermines regional languages and cultures in the telling of stories not situated in the Indian hinterland, but also subsumes diversity by imposing the ubiquity of a national language upon the peripheries of the country. More importantly, it also accepts unquestioningly that Hindi is a national language.

Writing for The Week (14 September 2019), former Supreme Court Justice Markandey Katju emphatically states, “The truth is that Hindi is an artificially created language, and is not the common man's language, even in the so-called Hindi-speaking belt of India. The [commonly used] language in … [this region] … is not Hindi but Hindustani or Khadiboli…” Katju further explains that the rise of nationalism posited Hindi as an Indian language versus Urdu, a cleavage drawn between the two similar tongues to “divide … Hindus and Muslims…”

In a country that produces more films than any other globally, it is easy to recognize the role cinema can play in inculcating language and cultural normativity by seeming to unite a nation through monotonous linguistic storytelling.

Conversely, a truly national cinema should aim to support diversity by encouraging the making of films in local cultural and language contexts. Here, IFFI 2019 is exciting for the range of cinematic heritages covered, though still more needs to be done towards the inclusivity of lesser represented regions, Goa among them. At the festival, new films like In the Land of Poison Women in Pangchenpa, Jallikettu in Malayalam, Kenjira in Paniya, and Amori in Konkani provide refreshing alternatives to Hindi and North Indian cinema.

As Aswin Punathambekar finds in his book Bombay to Bollywood (2013), it is not through cinema halls alone that a national film industry accumulates and exercises cultural power. Rather, it also relies upon other forms of media; these include the radio, television and, now, digital platforms, like Netflix.

For there to be a true change in propagating diverse film cultures across India, cable television, web programming, and other sources of nationally available media need to make room for filmic voices that are not solely in Hindi.

Wouldn’t it be stimulating to be in Delhi and switch on the telly at 9PM to catch a film about the South in Telugu? Now that would really show what cinema can do.

From The Peacock.